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Russia and China must join Ukrainian' peace formula' talks - Swiss Foreign Minister
4th Peace Summit on Ukraine in Davos, Switzerland, 14 January 2024. Photo: Ignazio Cassis via X/Twitter

“Widest possible participation” needed at Ukraine peace summit, experts appeal to world leaders

The upcoming Ukraine Peace Summit is a “historic landmark that can prepare the substantive and procedural conditions for the peace process,” according to a coalition of thinktanks, who are appealing to world leaders to demonstrate their commitment by participating at the highest levels and shaping the agenda.
“Widest possible participation” needed at Ukraine peace summit, experts appeal to world leaders

On 15-16 June, Switzerland will host the first Global Peace Summit. It is organised by Switzerland at the request of Ukraine. The Summit aims to initiate a peace process with global multilateral engagement that will result in a just and sustainable peace for Ukraine. To achieve this goal the High-Level Political Platform for the implementation of Ukraine’s Peace Formula will be launched at the Summit.

This peace initiative was first presented by the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, at the G20 Summit in November 2022. The Formula offers responses to both new and long-standing challenges posed by Russian aggression in Ukraine that have global implications. Ten points of the Formula cover political, security, and humanitarian dimensions of a possible peace solution.

The Peace Formula aims to offer global solutions for upholding and enforcing the principles of international law for the benefit of the entire world community – especially for the countries facing the consequences of armed or man-made disasters on their territory. The inaugural Summit in June 2024 will cover issues of nuclear and energy security, food security, freedom of navigation, as well as matters concerning POW exchanges and the repatriation of civilians and children unlawfully taken from Ukraine.

Ukraine’s experiences with Russia’s violation of previous peace agreements and unsuccessful attempts of bilateral negotiations with Russia make it an imperative for Ukraine to seek global multilateral engagement for achieving a joint sustainable solution to the conflict, as opposed to bilateral negotiations, even with the participation of the most respectful mediators.

Temporary ceasefires and new lines of disengagement will not solve the problem of continued aggression as long as Russian troops remain on Ukrainian territory. That is why all proposals to freeze the conflict, which are present in other peace initiatives, should be rejected as impractical and short-sighted. Therefore, the June Summit aims to establish a collective platform for discussions and cooperation on finding a practical and systemic conflict resolution.

First, the Peace Formula’s points align with the norms and principles outlined in the United Nations General Assembly Resolution ES-11/6 “Principles of the Charter of the United Nations for achieving a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine”, adopted by 141 UN member-states. Alternative peace initiatives operate with Cold War concepts and terminology, as well as unjustified zones of influence and quasi-imperialist ‘legitimate security concerns’ that do not reflect the modern principles of international law and relations.

Second, time is the most valuable resource. Active work on the content of Ukraine’s Peace Formula has started a year ago, in early 2023. This involved defining the thematic scope of each of the ten points, launching ten international working groups, identifying co-chairing countries or organizations, and preparing action plans for each. Several meetings were held at the level of world leaders’ national security and political advisers. The Davos NSA meeting in January 2024 essentially concluded the technical preparatory work, paving the way for the first Global Peace Summit- a high-level discussion platform to politically launch the proposals developed by the working groups, at the ambassador-level meetings, and at the national security advisors’ sessions.

Third, while alternative peace proposals are based on the ownership of one or several international actors, Ukraine’s Peace Formula offers the space for the active involvement of dozens of foreign countries in the various thematic priorities. For example, over 80 participants were present at the Davos meeting of political and security advisors. Now it is time to launch the highest-political level of this peace process with the widest possible participation of representatives of the world community to develop a common vision.

Fourth, there are currently no preconditions in place for initiating peace talks between Ukraine and the Russian Federation, as the Kremlin intends to continue its unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine. However, to end the largest international armed conflict in Europe since World War II, substantive and procedural solutions must be prepared for when Russia is ready to negotiate. The philosophy of the Peace Formula envisions this possibility during the second Global Peace Summit.

Fifth, the summit is a historic landmark that can prepare the substantive and procedural conditions for the peace process but also restore respect for the system of international law. As the aggressor, Russia understands the importance of this step and is doing its best to disrupt the Summit and reduce its political weight, as well as decrease international participation in the event. In addition to attempts to influence individual leaders of the so-called Global South, the Kremlin also tries to involve global international actors in its plans. We have noticed recent statements about the desire to hold alternative peace talks, which started to emerge during the preparation for the Summit. It is crucial for the international community to ignore those disruptive steps and to actively support and participate in the Summit.

Today, it is clear that Russia is unwilling to negotiate in good faith. This is partly due to the lack of effective international mechanisms to pressure Russia into peace. Recent political experience has led the Russian leadership to believe that their illegal actions would not face real opposition from other UN member-states. Therefore, the international community must find the strength to force the Russian Federation to comply with the UN’s demands – in particular, the demands enshrined in the UN resolutions to immediately stop aggression and hostilities and withdraw its troops from the entire territory of Ukraine.

Thus, the best diplomatic way to end the war is for the international community to put concerted pressure on Russia to restore the principles of international law as the basis for international relations. Smaller countries should be primarily interested in this.

Also, countries that claim regional leadership and want to have a powerful voice in international global politics should demonstrate their active position in support of international law. Any country that considers itself a player in international politics should be involved in diplomacy to stop Russian aggression against Ukraine.

Taking the above into consideration, we, representatives of think tanks and the global expert community,

recognize that the Peace Formula is the only systemic proposal that is based on the vision of a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in line with the UN Charter and the interests of the victim state exercising legitimate right for self-defense against illegal aggression. At the same time, it offers ideas on mechanisms to prevent and diminish harm caused by other large-scale wars and international armed conflicts.

call on heads of states and governments to:

  • Participate at the highest level in the Peace Summit to demonstrate your state’s commitment to the UN Charter, the principles of sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of states within their internationally recognised borders;
  • Actively engage in discussions on the issues of nuclear safety, food security, and freedom of navigation, as well as urgent humanitarian issues, in order to find practical solutions to the global impacts, regional threats, and negative precedents posed by Russian aggression in Ukraine.
  • Be ready to participate in the elaboration of other thematic points of the Peace Formula, including restoration of Ukraine’s territorial integrity; withdrawal of Russian troops and cessation of hostilities; restoration of justice; environmental safety; and preventing escalation and repetition of aggression.
  • Avoid being trapped in malicious attempts by Russia or other international actors, like China, to sow geopolitical and other divisions in the world, and confirm the unity of peace-loving UN members based on the principles of international law.

If you would like to sign the call, please fill in the form.


  1. Aliona Kopina,Laboratory of Peaceful Solutions, Ukraine
  2. Alona Horova, Institute for Peaceful and Common Ground, Ukraine
  3. Alya Shandra, Euromaidan Press, Ukraine
  4. Amanda Paul, European Policy Centre, Belgium
  5. Ana Khurtsidze, Gnomon Wise, Georgia
  6. Angelica Vasquez Zarate, Cadiz University, Spain
  7. Anna Makhlay, The John Smith Trust, United Kingdom
  8. Antonio Gil Fons, Universidad de Guadalajara, México
  9. Balkan Devlen, Macdonald Laurier Institute, Canada
  10. Bohdana Bodnar, Lawyer, Ukraine
  11. Carmen Claudin, Associate senior fellow CIDOB Barcelona, Spain
  12. Cesáreo Rodríguez-Aguilera de Prat, Emeritus professor of Political Science University of Barcelona, Spain
  13. Daniel Bartha, Centre for Euro-Atlantic Integration and Democracy, Hungary
  14. Danilo Elia, Journalist,Italy
  15. Daria Synhaievska, UkraineWorld, Ukraine
  16. Dmytro Shulga, International Renaissance Foundation, Ukraine
  17. Dmytro Zolotukhin, National University Kyiv-Mohyla Academy lecturer, head of the “Institute for postinformation society”, Ukraine
  18. Domingo Antonio Lilón, University of Pécs, Hungary
  19. Eunice Ostrensky, University of São Paulo, Brazil
  20. Franklim Colletti, Universidad Gabriela Mistral, Chile
  21. Ganna Valiensa, Facilitation Park, UCoDP, Ukraine
  22. Graeme Robertson, UNC at Chapel Hill, USA
  23. Hanna Shelest, UA: Ukraine Analytica, Ukraine
  24. Harry Nedelcu, Rasmussen Global, Belgium
  25. Hennadii Nadolenko, Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine, Ukraine
  26. Hennadiy Maksak, Foreign Policy Council “Ukrainian Prism”, Ukraine
  27. Henry Hale, George Washington University, USA
  28. Iryna Solonenko, Center for Liberal Modernity, Germany
  29. Iulian Groza, Institute for European Policies and Reforms, Moldova
  30. Ivan Kulchytskyy, NGO Agency of European Innovations, Ukraine
  31. Iwona Reichardt, Jan Nowak-Jeziorański College of Eastern Europe, Poland
  32. Jade McGlynn, King’s College London, United Kingdom
  33. Jakub Janda, European Values Center for Security Policy, Czech Republic
  34. James Sherr OBE, Honorary Fellow, Int’l Centre for Defence & Security, Estonia
  35. Jonathan Littell, Writer & filmmaker, USA
  36. Julia Kazdobina, Ukrainian Foundation for Security Studies, Ukraine
  37. Kataryna Wolczuk, College of Europe (Natolin), Poland
  38. Kateryna Narovska, National Association of Mediators of Ukraine, Ukraine
  39. Kristina Hook, Assistant Professor of Conflict Management, Kennesaw State University, USA
  40. Ljudmyla Melnyk, Institut für Europäische Politik, Germany
  41. Lucan Way, University of Toronto, Canada
  42. Łukasz Adamski, Mieroszewski Centre, Poland
  43. Mikhail Alexseev, San Diego State University, USA
  44. Maksym Skrypchenko, Transatlantic Dialogue Center, Ukraine
  45. Maksym Yakovlyev, School for Policy Analysis at NaUKMA, Ukraine
  46. Malcolm Davis, Australian Strategic Policy Institute, Australia
  47. Manuel Raposo, Independent expert, Portugal
  48. Mariya Y Omelicheva, National Defense University, USA
  50. Matthew Evangelista, Cornell University, USA
  51. Michal Matlak, Central European University, Belgium
  52. Mikhail Filippov, Professor of Political Science, Binghamton University (SUNY), USA
  53. Mykhailo Gonchar, Center for Global Studies “Strategy XXI”, Chief Editor of the Black Sea Security Journal, Ukraine
  54. Mykhailo Samus, New Geopolitics Research Network, Ukraine
  55. Natalia Bezkhlibna, Ukrainian Community of Dialogue Practitioners, Ukraine
  56. Nataliia Mudrak, mediator, dialogue facilitator, member of the National Association of Mediators of Ukraine, Ukraine
  57. Nataliya Gumenyuk, Public Interest Journalism Lab, Ukraine
  58. Olaf Saxegaard, HR and Management consultancy, Norway
  59. Oleh Ovcharenko, Ukrainian Community of Dialogue Practitioners, Ukraine
  60. Oleh Saakian, National platform for resilience and social cohesion, Ukraine
  61. Oleksandr Mitkov, Community of dialogue practitioners, Ukraine
  62. Oleksandr Slyvchuk, Transatlantic Dialogue Centre, Ukraine
  63. Oleksandra Karakuts, Civil Organization “Centre for International Security”, Ukraine
  64. Oleksandra Keudel, Kyiv School of Economics,Ukraine
  65. Oleksandra Matviichuk, Center for Civil Liberties,Ukraine
  66. Oleksiy Melnyk, Razumkov Centre, Ukraine
  67. Оlena Sapozhkova, National Association of Mediators of Ukraine, Ukraine
  68. Olexiy Haran,National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy; Research Director, Democratic Initiatives Foundation, Ukraine
  69. Olga Tokariuk,Chatham House Academy Fellow, Ukraine
  70. Olha Vorozhbyt, The Ukrainian Week, Foreign Policy Council “Ukrainian Prism”, Ukraine
  71. Omar Osacr Ashour, Doha Institute for Graduate Studies (Qatar), University of Exeter (UK), Democratic Initiatives Foundation (Ukraine)
  72. Paul Niland, Lifeline Ukraine, Ukraine
  73. Pavel Baev, Peace Research Institute Oslo, Norway
  74. Pavlo Kozeletskyi, Ukrainian Community of Dialogue Practitioners, Ukraine
  75. Pere Vilanova, University of Barcelona, Spain
  76. Philippe De Lara, Panthéon-Assas university, France
  77. Plinio Junqueira Smith, Unifesp, Brazil
  78. Ralf Fuecks, Center for Liberal Modernity, Germany
  79. Rebecca Harms, Former Member of the European Parliament, Germany
  80. Remzi Lani, Albanian Media Institute, Albania
  81. Robert Orttung, George Washington University, USA
  82. Ryhor Nizhnikau, Finnish Institute of International Affairs, Finland
  83. Sergej Sumlenny, European Resilience Initiative Center, Germany
  84. Sergiy Solodkyy, New Europe Center, Ukraine
  85. Stepan Yakymiak, Military expert, Ukraine
  86. Steven Blockmans, CEPS, Belgium/ ICDS, Estonia
  87. Svitlana Petrova, Centre for Law and Mediation , GISMAECR, Ukraine
  88. Tetiana Kalenychenko, European Center for Strategic Analytics, Ukraine
  89. Tetiana Kyselova, National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Ukraine
  90. Tetiana Pechonchyk, Human Rights Centre ZMINA, Ukraine
  91. Tomas Strazay, Slovak Foreign Policy Association, Slovakia
  92. Tomila Lankina, Professor, LSE, United Kingdom
  93. Valerie Sperling, Clark University, USA
  94. Vicente Ferraro, Getulio Vargas Foundation (FGV), Brazil
  95. Victor Liakh, East Europe Foundation, Ukraine
  96. Viktor Kevliuk, Center for Defense Strategies, Ukraine
  97. Volodymyr Lakomov, The Ilko Kucheriv Democratic Initiatives Fund, Ukraine
  98. Volodymyr Yermolenko, Chief editor of, Ukraine
  99. Wojciech Konończuk, Centre for Eastern Studies (OSW), Poland
  100. Wojciech Przybylski, Visegrad Insight – Res Publica Foundation, Poland
  101. Yoko HIROSE, Keio University, Japan
  102. Yuliia Kurnyshova, University of Soderton, Sweden
  103. Žiga Faktor, EUROPEUM Institute for European Policy, Czech Republic
  104. Žilvinas Švedkauskas, OSMOS Global Partnerships, Lithuania



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