Copyright © 2021

The work of Euromaidan Press is supported by the International Renaissance Foundation

When referencing our materials, please include an active hyperlink to the Euromaidan Press material and a maximum 500-character extract of the story. To reprint anything longer, written permission must be acquired from [email protected].

Privacy and Cookie Policies.

Collective ‘network’ action is why protests in Khabarovsk and Belarus are lasting so long, sociologist suggests

Left: Protest rally against President Lukashenko, 16 August 2020. Minsk, Belarus. Photo: Wikimedia Commons. Right: The march in Russia’s Khabarovsk on 29 August 2020. Photo: twitter/teamnavalnykhv
Collective ‘network’ action is why protests in Khabarovsk and Belarus are lasting so long, sociologist suggests
Edited by: Yuri Zoria
“The chief surprise of August,” sociologist Ella Paneyakh says, is the length of time people have continued to protest in Khabarovsk and Belarus. “No one expected that” because no one focused on the paradigm shift in which network organizations have assumed ever greater importance while leaders have become ever less significant.

“This underrating of the strength of the resource of horizontal action,” she says, “characterizes now no the experts but the situation itself. We are going through a period in which network mechanisms of coordination are replacing and beginning to push out hierarchical ones,” although this process is far from complete.

The Khabarovsk Krai protests started on 11 July in support of the then-governor Sergei Furgal (LDNR) of this Russia’s region after his arrest and came into their 51st day today. Screenshot: The march in Khabarovsk on the 43rd day of the protest, flags of Khabarovsk Krai, Russia, and the USSR can be seen. Source: Youtube/RusNews

When a leader is in charge of a protest, he or she will try to win out quickly fearful that the movement will be attacked or dissipated. But when people are in the streets because of network communication, they are constantly reminded of their own strength and thus are more willing to continue to demonstrate.

This represents a change which neither the protesters or their sometime leaders have fully recognized, and it has rendered the current situation completely unrecognizable to the powers that be who don’t yet see how networks play the role in keeping people mobilized that they so clearly do.

The ongoing Belarusian protests continue for about a month. The 9 August presidential election in Belarus was marred by allegations of widespread electoral fraud as the Central Electoral Commission claimed that the highly unpopular incumbent President Alyaksandr Lukashenka mustered 80,1% of the popular vote while opposition candidate Tsikhanovskaya, who gathered multiple mass rallies during her campaign in many Belarusian cities, only 10,12%. The announced results sparked mass protests which continue to this day.

The video shows the march in Minsk on Sunday, 30 August 2020:

Those who want to suppress the protests don’t quite know what to do, and often they take actions that have exactly the opposite impact to the one they intend. A wonderful example of that is Lukashenka’s brandishing of a weapon as he was flown by helicopter from one place in Minsk to another. He wanted to show strength. The protesters instead saw weakness.

At the same time, because they do not understand the new situation, “the authorities systemically overrate the force potential of the protest, viewing it as an organization with centralized resources and leaders where in reality networks are at work.” And that is true, even as demonstrators “underestimate” their organizational potential.

Those looking on from the outside thus expect a rapid winding up of the protests while those who are actually confronting one another have yet another reason that helps to explain why the people stay in the streets and why the authorities don’t know what to do in response, the sociologist says.

This new balance doesn’t dictate that the protesters will inevitably win, Paneykh says,

“But suppressing them will be much more difficult and cost the authorities more than it appeared to observers on the sidelines when the protests began.”

And this is true not only in Belarus and Khabarovsk but in other protests now beginning to take place.

And that means that there are likely to be not only more protests but far longer ones than the post-Soviet space has seen before and that both the protesters and the authorities will be working toward their understandings of how to act as a result. In the meantime, there are likely to be serious miscalculations on both sides.

Read also:


Edited by: Yuri Zoria
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.  We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society. A little bit goes a long way: for as little as the cost of one cup of coffee a month, you can help build bridges between Ukraine and the rest of the world, plus become a co-creator and vote for topics we should cover next. Become a patron or see other ways to support. Become a Patron!

To suggest a correction or clarification, write to us here

You can also highlight the text and press Ctrl + Enter

Please leave your suggestions or corrections here

    Related Posts