1. The reform of law enforcement agencies and special services
More: Unpunished for Maidan pacification, Berkut militia becomes Ukraine’s New Police
The last drop for the public’s patience was the conditional sentence for Yuri Krysin, a titushka chief who participated in the murder of journalist Viacheslav Veremiy during the events of Euromaidan.More: De-facto acquittal for Euromaidan murder highlights everything that’s wrong with Ukrainian justice
Given the recent events, in particular, the trial of Odesa Mayor Hennadiy Trukhanov, who was accused of large-scale corruption yet released on bail, where titushkas present in the court hall beat up an activist, we see that the old police-criminal ties are gaining new strength and are again being actively used to confront civic society. Similarly, Ukrainian society didn’t yet witness a reform of the Security Service (SBU). Despite President Poroshenko‘s public promise to implement the Concept of the Reform of the Special Service by the end of 2017, he has not even signed it. The transparent contest for the election of the head of the State Bureau of Investigations and the timeframe of its creation have basically been flunked.2. Judicial reform
More: Civic watchdog in Ukraine: we were used to legitimize dishonest Supreme Court appointments
In particular, the certification of judges of courts of the first and second instance will begin in mid-March. Obviously, the opposition to the renewal of the judiciary will be ferocious at this stage too. Therefore, the Public Integrity Council needs our support.3. Anticorruption reform
More: Will Ukraine’s Anti-Corruption Court be another imitation of reforms?
All this stubborn struggle for the creation of an anti-corruption system in Ukraine takes place despite the authorities’ crushing information campaign and repressions against anti-corruption activists.More: Ukrainian authorities escalate undeclared war against anti-corruption front
4. Renewal of the political elites
More: Ukraine makes progress in media freedom, but oligarchs still run the show
Another demand of Euromaidan was to limit oligarchic influence on political processes in the country. However, already in the spring of 2014, some of the richest people in the country were appointed heads of regional administrations in key areas, which later led to a confrontation between the regions and the center. The oligarchs began to form so-called private armies. Exiters from the Party of Regions regained their influence in the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts. The oligarchic-clan system is preparing for the next presidential election.More: Electing bad leaders in Ukraine: how to break the vicious cycle
5. Investigation of the events at Euromaidan
As part of the General Prosecutor's Office, first the special management was created and then reorganized into a department, in order to specifically investigate all episodes of the Euromaidan revolution, establish the connection between them and their participants, and identify those who gave orders and made decisions.
However, an independent investigation turned out to be no simple task. In the first years, prosecutors attempted to send raw and underdeveloped cases to courts, drawing protests from the representatives of the victims. And then the department faced a huge number of problems in investigations and resistance from the leadership of the General Prosecutor’s Office, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the courts, and so on. Serhiy Horbatiuk, head of the department, constantly talks about it in his interviews.Read also: Ukraine’s flawed judicial reform is stalling justice for slain Euromaidaners
Nevertheless, due to the perseverance of the lawyers of the Heaven’s Hundred and a group of professional, selfless investigators in the special department, several journalists who consistently tracked the affairs of the Maidan for four years managed to investigate at least a few episodes. According to lawyer Yevheniya Zakrevska, the greatest progress was made in the episodes of February 18 and 20. However, part of the Berkut riot police, who are suspected and accused of carrying out the killings and beatings of activists, escaped to Russia through court decisions on their release from custody, where they hide to this day (heya, judicial reform!). None of the accused were released from service at the Ministry of Internal Affairs (howdy, reform of the law enforcement agencies!). None of the ex-Party of Regions members were held accountable for voting for the anti-constitutional "Dictatorship laws." A suspicion notice on the organization of illegal voting was presented to several people, but they managed to escape the country and are wanted.More: Ukrainian Berkut police suspected of Euromaidan massacre now in Russia’s service?
Investigations into the Euromaidan cases continue. Unfortunately, the interest of the media and society falls lower each year, although the investigators and lawyers are drawing closer to the finish line and need our support like never before. The Revolution of Dignity isn’t over. We still have a lot of work ahead of us. Do not give up!
Olha Reshetylova is a journalist, civic volunteer, coordinator and co-founder of the Media Initiative for Human Rights - MIHR.
