Belarus election: why strongman Alyaksandr Lukashenka faces unprecedented resistance

Lukashenka has faced opposition before. In 2006 and 2010 Belarusian citizens attempted to call for democratic reforms, but presidential candidates ended up in prison or exile. Protests calling for political changes are now taking place at an unprecedented scale – and are being brutally suppressed. Lukashenka was once popular and seen as charismatic. But he has become increasingly authoritarian during his 26-year tenure and now faces strong public resistance.

Coronavirus hits public trust

As of August 3, Belarus had registered 68,067 coronavirus cases and 567 deaths. It is one of the few European countries (along with Sweden) that has not introduced lockdown and strict coronavirus containment measures. Lukashenka has downplayed the risks of COVID-19 in an effort to keep the economy going. Inadequate response to the pandemic coupled with economic decline have undermined public trust in the political leadership. In the absence of an effective government response, Belarusians had to protect themselves. Some businesses shifted to home working and volunteers have provided personal protective equipment to medical workers. Despite the World Bank forecasting a “severe shock” to the Belarusian economy and high risk to public health, the election has not been postponed.

The main take from today's protests in Belarus is that people are becoming increasingly organised and are no longer afraid of the police. Instead, they respond to violence with violence. Dozens of fights broke out with police tonight and they were often beaten and had to retreat: pic.twitter.com/a8iK5577oE

— Tadeusz Giczan (@TadeuszGiczan) July 14, 2020

Until a few months ago, it seemed Lukashenka would face three main challengers in the presidential race: Viktar Babaryka, Sergey Tsikhanouski and Valery Tsapkala. But now none of them will be on the ballot. Babaryka, the former head of Belgazprombank, the local unit of Russia’s Gazprombank, was considered the strongest opponent. He collected over 400,000 ballot access signatures during his campaign, exceeding the necessary minimum of 100,000. But on June 18, Babaryka and his son Eduard were arrested, accused of financial crimes and tax evasion. Tsikhanouski, a blogger who runs the YouTube channel Country for Life, was also considered a strong opponent. Tsikhanouski had labelled Lukashenka a “cockroach”, calling on Belarusians to “stop the cockroach”. In May, Tsikhanouski was detained and charged for an unsanctioned public gathering and violating public order. Rights group Amnesty International recognises both Babaryka and Tsikhanouski as prisoners of conscience. The third main candidate, Tsapkala, served as the Belarusian ambassador to the US, founded the country’s own tech park modeled on Silicon Valley and once advised Lukashenka on science and technology. But at the end of June, Tsapkala had 100,000 signatures of support invalidated, which blocked him from continuing in the presidential race.

A new challenger

On July 14, Babaryka and Tsikhanouski were both barred from running in the election by the Belarus Central Election Commission (CEC). The following day queues of people lined up at the CEC to file complaints about the decision. The arrests of Babaryka and Tsikhanouski and refusal of their registrations triggered protests in the capital, Minsk, and major cities in which hundreds were arrested. Lukashenka’s rivals subsequently united their campaigns behind Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the wife of Sergey Tsikhanouski. She has unexpectedly become a revolutionary figurehead and her recent campaign rally on July 30 in Minsk gathered over 60,000 supporters.

Still, Belarus is a tough political environment for women. In May, Lukashenka said the nation’s constitution was “not made for a woman” as president, and that “our society has not matured to vote for a woman”. Politically active women and women partners of political activists are often attacked, including via messages containing threats of sexual violence or threats that their children will be taken into state custody.

Outmoded tactics for a young generation

Lukashenka’s opponents have been using Facebook, YouTube, Twitter and Viber messenger to get their message out rather than heavily censored traditional state TV and newspapers. Lukashenka used to be able to rely on propaganda tools based on the memory of the second world war, hunger and devastation, and the need to maintain stability. But these are no longer cutting through to young Belarusians – especially those who were born after he came to power. Many are now demanding democratic changes. Following mass opposition rallies in June, Lukashenka openly warned at a meeting with the chief of the Belarusian KGB that there will be no “Maidan” – in a reference to Ukraine’s 2013-14 revolution. Whatever the outcome of the election, which he may try to rig, it’s clear his rule is weakening. The pandemic has left the man who has been called Europe’s “last dictator” dangerously exposed to public discontent and public mistrust.

Read also:

• Confessions of an ex-riot policeman from Belarus
• At least 240 arrested in Belarus protests against barring of opposition candidates (photos, videos)
• Lukashenka rival barred from running for Belarusian president surfaces in Kyiv
• Russian Wagner mercenaries arrested in Belarus: ‘little green men’ scenario, fighters in transit, or other?
• Belarusian police join #NotMyPresident flashmob amid continued rallies for Lukashenka’s rivals
• Russia’s creeping annexation of Belarus “already taking place” (2019)
• Belarusian TV: 49% of prime-time content is Russian-made
• Russian propagandists invented 6 West-staged attempted revolutions in Belarus