In a high-stakes geopolitical maneuver, the United States and Ukraine have finalized a rare earth mineral agreement granting the US a 50% share of extraction revenues. The deal, to be signed during Zelenskyy’s Washington visit, establishes a joint Reconstruction Investment Fund for Ukraine but lacks explicit security guarantees—raising concerns that Kyiv is trading strategic resources for uncertain promises.
Meanwhile, Trump has started direct peace talks with Russia in Riyadh—without Ukrainian participation—raising concerns that any US-brokered ceasefire would merely allow Moscow to regroup. Ukraine’s intelligence chief, Kyrylo Budanov, warns that Russia’s objective remains unchanged: “Russia will do everything to achieve the ‘absorption of Ukraine.’ It needs both territory and population. Without us, the empire cannot exist.”
Diplomatic tensions escalated when Trump called Zelenskyy a “dictator” and falsely claimed his approval rating had fallen to 4%—assertions Zelenskyy dismissed as Russian disinformation.
Against this backdrop, Euromaidan Press spoke with Ukrainian soldiers on the frontlines about the mineral deal and Trump’s peace efforts. Their testimonies reveal deep concerns that Ukraine’s sovereignty is being bartered away in negotiations where they have no voice.
“We are being discarded like garbage”
“Currently, I don’t see a peace plan,” says Ivan, a soldier with Ukraine’s National Guard. “Trump has a certain algorithm—he wants to pressure both sides to achieve a ceasefire, not end the war. He wants to end the active phase, essentially creating another Minsk agreement.”
His reference is to the failed Minsk accords of 2014 and 2015, which attempted but ultimately failed to bring lasting peace to eastern Ukraine, instead allowing Russia to entrench its control over occupied territories.
Ivan suggests that a viable strategy might involve the US limiting military aid to Ukraine while intensifying economic pressure on Russia. However, he acknowledges that sanctions have already been exhausted as a tool, leaving little room for additional economic leverage against Moscow.
Then there’s the mineral deal. Last week, Zelenskyy refused to sign, declaring he wouldn’t “sell the country,” but under mounting pressure from Washington, it now appears he may relent.
“If Trump needs our minerals, let him take them if he provides us with F-35s,” Ivan says. “That would be enough to reclaim Donbas, hypothetically.”
For many Ukrainian soldiers, broken security promises loom large, especially as Trump claims Ukraine “owes” the US for military aid. The Budapest Memorandum—under which Ukraine surrendered its nuclear arsenal in exchange for security assurances from the US, UK, and Russia—is a bitter reminder of Western commitments gone unfulfilled.
“Tell Trump and Waltz that it’s not Ukraine that owes something to the US, but the US owes Ukraine for not fulfilling the agreements of the Budapest Memorandum,” said Volodymyr, an instructor in electronic warfare with Ukraine’s Armed Forces.
Many frontline troops find the idea of a settlement involving territorial concessions unthinkable. Illia, a National Guard chief sergeant serving since 2014, is blunt: “I don’t believe in peace plans. What security guarantees could there be? Are American troops going to come here and stop Russia?”
His skepticism runs deeper—not just about peace deals but about Western military capabilities.
“We worked with guys from Britain, America, and Europe. When we were outnumbered and the Russians pounded us with artillery, they shouted, ‘Where’s our support?’ And we had to tell them, ‘There is no support. We hold the line, maneuver, and fight with what we have. Maybe air support comes later—maybe not.’”
Meanwhile, Eduard, a senior technician with the 65th Mechanized Brigade’s electronic warfare unit, believes Trump has already struck a deal with Russia behind closed doors.
“Trump does not understand what war is, does not understand what it means to lose loved ones. He lives in his own incomprehensible world. I believe Trump has already made a deal with Russia; they are just stalling for time. We are being discarded like garbage,” he says.
“International law is an illusion”
Ukrainian soldiers express deep skepticism about the reliability of any security guarantees stemming from peace negotiations.
“The war showed the world that no international institutions, rights, laws, or organizations actually work,” says Illia. “Just as Ukraine played a role in the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukraine has now shown the world that international law, security, and territorial integrity are just illusions.”
A British volunteer fighting with Ukrainian forces, identified as Chris “Swampy,” an EOD expert, believes the only viable solution is for “all sides of the war” to come together, with Ukraine retaining the final say in any agreement affecting its territory and sovereignty. He suggests that instead of peace talks between Trump and Putin, Western nations should “continue kicking the Russians out of the country until they are back to their original borders.”
“I know that it’s impossible to imagine that happening, especially with places like Crimea, but I think the Ukrainians still have the ability, with Western support, to be able to at least get the Russians back across the eastern border,” he adds.
For Volodymyr, Trump’s rhetoric on redrawing spheres of influence is dangerous and undemocratic.
“I believe that Putin is currently in a stronger position in negotiations because Trump is merely fulfilling his own promises and personal ambitions, while Putin is achieving his imperial goals,” he warns.
In his view, Ukraine’s best path forward lies in strengthening its armed forces and maintaining European military support. He also envisions the potential for a new security alliance—one that unites Ukraine with the Baltic states, Poland, and the UK—as well as Ukraine’s eventual accession to the European Union.
“War is bad and needs to end – the question is how”
Ukrainian soldiers consistently warn that any ceasefire would serve only one purpose for Russia—buying time to rebuild its forces and resume aggression. This pattern, they argue, has been evident in every Russian-led war across the post-Soviet space.
“Of course,” Illia says when asked whether Russia would use a pause to rearm. “They’re very good at destabilizing our country. Their special services are among the best in the world at influencing everything. If there’s a pause, they’ll use it to manipulate the situation and install their own people in power to implement their plans.”
Illia believes Putin, now 72, has a grand vision of cementing his legacy. “He wants to be a historical figure greater than Stalin and Hitler. He has almost achieved this. But not completely.” For Illia, Putin’s ultimate goal is the full reconstitution of the Soviet Union, with Ukraine’s subjugation as a key pillar of that project.
Volodymyr echoes this sentiment, citing a warning widely attributed to Otto von Bismarck that “agreements with Russia aren’t worth the paper they’re written on.” Its sentiment resonates deeply with Ukrainian soldiers, who see any ceasefire as a temporary illusion—an opportunity for Moscow to consolidate, rearm, and attack again when the conditions are right.
While Volodymyr acknowledges that “war is bad and needs to end,” he refuses to accept a peace deal that compromises Ukraine’s sovereignty.
“The question is how. I’m against surrendering Ukraine’s interests. It’s unlikely we’ll return to our 1991 borders anytime soon because we don’t currently have the human and economic resources. But where do we stop? With the absolute minimum sacrifice of Ukraine’s interests.”
Ukrainian soldiers report that Russia remains militarily effective despite extensive Western economic sanctions.
“I recently returned from Donbas. They have assault groups that advance in full Kevlar protection. They’re attacked, but they still continue to assault. They shoot down our drones and FPVs. They’re training. Not all of them, but 50%. They’re very difficult to fight against,” Illia recounts.
Sanctions, he argues, have had little impact on Moscow’s war effort, noting that Ukrainian strikes on Russian targets have done more damage to Russia’s economy than international restrictions.
“They have sanctions, but they don’t work,” he adds, noting that Ukrainian strikes against Russian targets have proven more effective at damaging the Russian economy than international sanctions.
“When we dismantle Russian targets, we find that they are partially made with foreign components,” Illia explains. He believes Russia has successfully circumvented sanctions through third-country procurement networks.
“They’re modernizing and manufacturing weapons not as quickly as in peacetime, but they’re finding ways,” he says.
Despite facing higher attrition rates, Russian forces remain effective on the battlefield. “Russians haven’t gotten worse at fighting,” Illia observes. While their advances have slowed compared to earlier phases of the war, their operational capabilities remain strong.
“Russians are barbarians, and they only understand force”
When asked how the war might end, Ukrainian soldiers gave grim but varied assessments.
“The war can only end with the collapse of Russia,” Illia stated bluntly. However, he acknowledges that this won’t happen overnight. “There will be some freezing stages. It will all depend on the Ukrainian government, what it does during this time, and how it strengthens itself. If the government does nothing, we’ll be absorbed.”
He envisions a gradual pushback against Russia, not in a single breakthrough but through “a series of checkpoints” that Ukraine must achieve while continuously building up its combat capabilities regardless of diplomatic developments.
He believes American society, which has provided the majority of Ukraine’s military aid since 2022, will ultimately decide whether to stand with Ukraine. “If not, it will be difficult to fight the Russians,” he concludes.
An anonymous National Guard soldier expressed an even darker view: “World political strategies, whether European or American, do not aim to preserve the integrity of Ukraine, its people, and resources. Or to stop the aggressor.”
He believesTrump has no plans “to do anything good” and only cares about his own and Putin’s interests. “The loss of Ukrainian lives and territory means nothing to Trump. What matters are commercial interests and resources. He can obtain all of that much more easily if Ukraine is in a difficult situation.”
Andrii, another frontline defender, was blunt about Ukraine’s position: “Without help, we cannot [win],” adding that Russia didn’t attack Ukraine alone either but with support from allies like Iran and North Korea. “It’s impossible to fight off such a large country without outside help.”
For Illia, any true peace plan must come with clear, actionable security guarantees. “It should look like this: ‘Here are 100,000 American or European troops with equipment near borders, ready to enter Ukraine within a day.’ I don’t see that. Currently, it’s all just ‘blah blah blah.'”
He remains skeptical of agreements relying on Russia’s word: “There was Chechnya, there was Abkhazia. Russians are barbarians, and they only understand force.”
Several soldiers view the conflict in broader terms. “Most likely, the war in Ukraine will not end because this is a civilizational war,” observes Ivan, a soldier with Ukraine’s National Guard, suggesting the struggle transcends military objectives and represents a fundamental clash of values that will continue regardless of formal agreements.
“We won’t run, even if Ukraine is gone”
As Ukraine waits for concrete security guarantees, its defenders continue to fight, knowing they are protecting more than just land—they are fighting for the survival of their nation.
“I’m a soldier, I’m a patriot, I love my country, I’ve lost friends, I want not only my children to live here but also future generations. This road goes only to the end. Either we [defeat] them, or they [defeat] us,” Illia states with grim determination.
“Russia won’t stop shooting, and if it does, not for long,” says Eduard. He believes any just peace must include reparations, restoration of Ukraine’s 1991 borders, and accountability for war crimes—outcomes he acknowledges are increasingly unlikely as backroom negotiations continue without Ukraine’s direct involvement.
When asked if Ukrainians will fight to the last man, Illia responds, “I can’t speak for everyone. Maybe Ukraine will disappear from the world map altogether, as once happened with Poland. Maybe some will leave. But my brothers-in-arms and I won’t run away even if Ukraine is completely gone. We will fight here. Rebuild.”
He draws historical parallels to the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), noting, “We now have a stronger position compared to the mid-20th century. I will stand to the end, and many of my brothers-in-arms will too. In what form, I don’t know. Maybe as partisans, maybe like our ancestors who trained in Great Britain, then returned to fight against the Soviet Union. Maybe that awaits us too.”
As diplomatic efforts continue, these frontline voices serve as a stark reminder of the human stakes in a war that has claimed tens of thousands of lives and displaced millions. For Ukraine’s defenders, peace without justice and security is merely a prelude to future conflict—a lesson they believe peace negotiators would do well to heed.
Read more:
- Trump: Putin wanted the whole of Ukraine, Ukraine are “great fighters”
- The peace trap: Five ways Putin wins if Ukraine freezes the war
- Trump: Putin will have to make concessions on war in Ukraine
- Trump transforms Ukraine support into mineral extraction
