The ex-Prime Minister of the "Donetsk People's Republic," Russian national Aleksandr Borodai has admitted that he was involved in setting up Russia's puppet republics in Donbas before they were officially proclaimed and that in doing so, he was carrying out Kremlin plans. He also accused Ukrainian oligarch Rinat Akhmetov in cooperating with Donetsk terrorists and supporting one of the armed gangs.

"As one of its tasks, my unit had to neutralize the influence of Rinat Akhmetov, overlord of then Donetsk Oblast... It [Akhmetov's forcefulness] benefited Mr.Khodakovsky, who had a real motive to prevent it [the neutralizaiton], because Rinat Akhmetov funded him. Back then [Khodakovsky] tried to bring me a suitcase with a half million dollars from Rinat... I returned that suitcase to Mr.Khodakovsky, and he ostensibly spent it for funding of Vostok battalion."Further details were provided in Borodai's 16 October talk at the "Union of Donbas Volunteers," an "NGO" advocating support for the Kremlin puppet territories in Ukraine.Borodai claimed that Akhmetov was interested in creating the "DNR" because after the Euromaidan revolution he needed a buffer state to balance between Russia and Ukraine and that nearly all the composition of the first "government" of the self-proclaimed Donetsk "republic" consisted of Akhmetov's men. One of the tasks of Borodai's unit of Chechen mercenaries was to thwart Akhmetov's influence on the fledgling "DNR." The other tasks, Borodai claimed, still can't be named. Borodai claimed that one of the tasks of those who started the "Russian spring," i.e. the Russian post-Euromaidan invasion of Ukraine attempting to break it in two, was to prevent the "DNR" from coming under Akhmetov's control. The $500,000 in the suitcase were ostensibly a bribe presented to Borodai so he would not carry out his plans. While Igor Girkin is a self-described FSB colonel and leaves no doubt as to his Kremlin connections, Borodai always shrugged off the FSB allegations. His connections to Putin's aide Surkov, who is ostensibly the chief architect of the "Russian spring," were exposed in a batch of Surkov's leaked emails known as the Surkov leaks: in them, Borodai sends a report on the operations of his "Union of Donbas Volunteers" to Surkov and complains of political infighting to Alexei Chesnakov, a Russian political figure close to the Russian government who reportedly oversaw the operations of the press centers of the "DNR" and its sister "republic," the "LNR." However, many analysts said there was no clear proof of a hand of Moscow behind Borodai. Borodai's recent revelations, however, remove any shadow of a doubt. The initiators of the "Russian spring" a.k.a. "Novorossiya" are sitting in the Kremlin, telling evidence of which is a Ukrainian security service intercept which shows that Putin's top advisor Sergey Glazyev coordinated the separatist uprisings in Crimea and southeastern Ukraine. If Borodai's unit was to implement the will of those who started the "Russian spring," then it was subordinate to them. If he made personnel decisions for taking over Crimea and Donbas and made a mistake in appointing Girkin, then he was given the power to do so. Once again, a warlord of occupied Donbas admitted he is not a "rebel leader" but carrying out the Kremlin's plans.
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