Until the Orange Revolution of November 2004, Ukraine was nowhere to be found in Italian newspapers, magazines and TV news.
A Polish thorn in Putin’s side
In November 2004 when the protests known as the Orange Revolution hit the road of downtown Kyiv, many Italians heard of a country called "Ukraine" for the first time. Italian newspapers, radios channels, and TV news broadcast the events in Ukraine with their Moscow correspondents. The lack of knowledge about Ukrainian history and politics, along with the fact that the events were covered using information of Russian television and press agencies, led to a biased narration. The situation was so embarrassing that the president of the Italian Association for Ukrainian studies sent an open letter to the directors of RAI TV, the Italian national public broadcasting company, asking for a more balanced coverage of what was happening in Ukraine. If RAI were not able to send a correspondent to Kyiv, at least they could also broadcast the information coming from TV and press agencies in Warsaw, which had correspondents in Ukraine, not only from Moscow! Nobody replied to this open letter published on the pages of Corriere della Sera, the most important Italian newspaper. On 28 November 2004, in an article entitled Putin’s thorn, former Italian Ambassador in Moscow and historian Sergio Romano claimed that the EU had to reassure Putin that Ukraine would never be a Polish thorn in the side of the Russian state. Apparently, the democratic aspirations of Ukrainian people count for nothing compared to indisputable interests of Vladimir Putin. In summer 2007, when President Viktor Yushchenko opposed Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych in a harsh confrontation, many political commentators depicted the dramatic clash between the democratic forces and the post-communist ones in the Ukrainian society as a historic rivalry between Russia and Ukraine. Ukrainian scholar Oksana Pachlovska pointed out that these misleading analyses were in line with Italian pro-Russian foreign policy: The main problem was not the lack of honest journalists – for sure there were a few of them even in Italy! – but the ambiguity of the relationship between Italy and Russia. Italy appeared more interested in getting gas contracts with Gazprom and in pleasing Vladimir Putin, as Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi did when he said Russia was one of the most democratic countries in the world.How to dismember Ukraine
In order to understand the new climate that surrounded the Italian media when Euromaidan broke out in November 2013, we need to go back to 2008, a pivotal year for the geopolitics of the post-Soviet space.The conflict in Georgia in August 2008 can be viewed as the first wider war trial by the Kremlin - a hybrid war fought with different weapons: military actions, terrorism, disinformation and cyber terrorism.

Euromaidan


The Donbas war
When the conflict between the troops loyal to the new government in Kyiv and the Donbas separatists started out the vast majority of Italian media was already aligned with Moscow's narrative.In many newspapers and online publications, the government in Kyiv was defined as a Nazi junta using the same language that could be found in the Russian press. Even the most important national newspapers were not so interested in investigating what was really happening in Donbas. They preferred to call the conflict a civil war despite the clear evidence that the so-called separatists were in large proportion troops sent from Russia.
- The conflict in Ukraine is a civil war
- Kyiv is ruled by a nazi junta
- The Donbas fighters of LNR and DNR are anti-fascist patriots
- Sooner or later Donbas will be liberated and will be a part of Novorossiya, along with Crimea and south-eastern Ukraine.
Whilst other European countries organized public events with Ukrainian scholars to analyze the Ukrainian crisis, Italy preferred to host conferences with Aleksandr Dugin and other Russian ideologists.

“I must note that among those invited to the debate there is no one who can somehow represent the main subject of the 'debate,' namely Ukraine. I have to express my deep surprise and real dismay at the servility of the Italian media, of which you are known to be one of the greatest representatives, against rampant Russian propaganda, of which the Embassy is just one of the many propulsion centers.”
Conclusions
Until the Orange Revolution, the perception of Ukraine as an independent state was rather vague in Italy. When in November 2004 protests broke out in Kyiv, many Italians heard of a country called Ukraine for the first time. In 2008, the geopolitical magazine Limes began to present its readers with maps of Ukraine dismembered in different areas questioning the legitimacy of Ukrainian borders. When in November 2013, Euromaidan protests began in Kyiv, “the template” for a Russian narration of the events had been already set in Italy. Even Italy's national public broadcasting company and national newspapers were not immune to this massive wave of Russian propaganda.
Massimiliano Di Pasquale graduated in Business Economics at Bocconi University in Milan, from November 1999 to April 2004 he lived in London, where he combined his activity as a marketing consultant with that of a freelance journalist. Photographer, writer and journalist, Massimiliano writes regularly about Ukrainian culture and politics for several Italian magazines and newspapers. In 2007 he interviewed President Viktor Yushchenko for Italian geopolitical magazine east. In 2010 he published the photographic book In Ucraina. Immagini per un diario (In Ukraine. Pictures for a Diary), and the travel book Ucraina terra di confine. Viaggi nell’Europa sconosciuta (Ukraine Borderland. Trips in the Unknown Europe) in 2012. In 2012 he worked for Bradt updating The Ukraine Travel Guide released in Summer 2013. In May 2013 he attended the 6th Europe-Ukraine Forum in Budapest where he held a speech about Media, business and politics in Ukraine. In February 2014 he was one of the speakers at the conference ‘Ucraina Quo Vadis?’ organized in Milan by ISPI (Italian Institute for International Political Studies). He is a member of AISU, Italian Association of Ukrainian Studies.
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[1] Andrew Wilson, The Ukrainians. Unexpected Nation, 2002.
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[2] “E’ questo il momento in cui la responsabilità della ricostruzione passa a un’altra istituzione sovietica, il KGB. I suoi uomini sono intelligenti e preparati, addestrati dalla loro esperienza. […] Sono quindi particolarmente adatti a restaurare la forza e l’unita dello stato”, pag. XIV. “Temo che dietro questa inutile provocazione si nasconda non tanto il desiderio di riformare la Russia quanto quella di indebolirla e umiliarla…”, pag XVI, Sergio Romano, Prefazione all’edizione italiana di Edward Lucas, La Nuova Guerra Fredda, 2009.
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[3] http://ilpiccolo.gelocal.it/trieste/cronaca/2014/04/08/news/oggi-e-piu-difficile-nutrire-speranze-sulla-casa-comune-1.9008215
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[4] "Usa, che flop in Ucraina. Hanno scatenato quattro nazistacci", 31st of March 2014 http://www.liberoquotidiano.it/news/esteri/11583308/Lo-storico-Franco-Cardini--.html
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[5] http://www.rainews.it/dl/rainews/media/Donestk-Sequestrato-materiale-troupe-RaiNews24-Goracci-Erano-cattivi-del-solito-83bf217a-aa6b-4d50-93d0-0af4a6433ba1.html
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[6] http://www.radioradicale.it/scheda/453838/la-crisi-regionale-ucraina-nel-contesto-geopolitico-globale