The initiator is Ukraine expert Andreas Umland, an analyst at the Stockholm Center for East European Studies. Signatories include Volker Beck (Greens), Ruprecht Polenz (CDU) and the Eastern European historian Karl Schlögel. While the UK has shipped arms to Ukraine, and others — the Baltics, the Czech Republic, the Netherlands — are contemplating the same, Germany’s position has been reserved. The country has repeatedly blocked Ukraine’s arms purchases from NATO, prohibited others from reselling German-made weapons to Ukraine, and keeps plugging ahead with the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, which many believe is a security risk not only for Ukraine but Europe as a whole. In an open letter, Germany, “as the largest European economic power, has viewed the Kremlin’s actions critically but largely inactively for the past three decades.” As a key country of the EU, NATO, and the Western community of values, Germany has a special responsibility. This applies “both with a view to containing and sanctioning Russia and in relation to supporting the states dismembered and harassed by Moscow.” This appeal was originally published in zeit.de Massive, menacing concentrations of troops on Ukraine’s eastern and southern borders, intensified anti-Western propaganda attacks that do not shy away from lies, and obviously unacceptable demands on NATO and its member states: in the past few weeks, Russia has fundamentally changed the security order that has been in place in Europe since the end of the Cold War on question. In its international self-portrayal, Russia presents itself as a threatened state that urgently needs “security guarantees” from the West. The Kremlin is deliberately shifting the meaning of security promises. The necessity of such guarantees has been discussed since the negotiation of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty in 1968 with regard to the protection of nuclear-weapon-free and non-nuclear-weapon states. Today, more nuclear warheads are stored in Russia than in the three NATO nuclear-weapon states USA, Great Britain, and France put together. Moscow maintains a wide range of delivery systems for its thousands of nuclear weapons – from ICBMs to long-range bombers to nuclear submarines. It has one of the three most powerful conventional armies in the world and a right of veto in the UN Security Council. This makes the Russian Federation one of the militarily safest countries in the world. The Kremlin uses regular and irregular troops, as well as the Russian nuclear threat potential, to wage various wars and permanently occupy territories of former Soviet republics. Not only in Eastern but also in Western Europe and on other continents, the Kremlin is brazenly demonstrating its claim to special rights to assert its interests on the sovereign territory of sovereign states. Bypassing international rules, treaties, and organizations, Moscow hunts its enemies around the world. The Kremlin is trying to undermine political processes, the rule of law, and social cohesion in other countries with hate campaigns and hacker attacks, among other things. The latter is partly done secretly, but with the obvious aim to hinder or discredit democratic decision-making in pluralistic states. In particular, the political and territorial integrity of democratizing post-Soviet transition states is to be undermined. Germany, as Europe’s largest economic power, has been watching this activity critically but largely inactively for the past three decades. In the Republic of Moldova, Moscow’s revision began as early as 1992, immediately after the collapse of the USSR, with a massive intervention by the 14th Russian army. Their remnants are still officially in Transnistria, despite repeated withdrawal demands from democratically elected Moldovan governments and corresponding promises from the Kremlin. The Federal Republic of Germany did not react appropriately to this or to the following numerous revanchist adventures of Russia in the post-Soviet region and beyond. Even more: with its foreign and foreign trade policy, Berlin has contributed to the political and economic weakening of Eastern European non-nuclear-weapon states and to the geo-economic strengthening of an increasingly expansive nuclear superpower. In 2008, Germany played a key role in preventing Georgia and Ukraine from joining NATO. In 2019, on the other hand, the federal government tried to get the Russian delegation re-admitted to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, although Moscow had not and has not fulfilled any of the conditions for this highly symbolic act. For the already fragile Ukrainian-Russian relations, the commissioning of the first Nord Stream gas pipeline from 2011 to 2012, which was superfluous from an energy standpoint, was a disaster. It appears in retrospect to have paved the way for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine two years later. A large part of the existing gas transport capacities between Siberia and the EU was not used in 2021. Nevertheless, the Federal Republic is now preparing to completely eliminate Ukraine’s remaining economic leverage over Russia with the opening of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline. EU economic sanctions against Moscow since 2014 have been mild and not an adequate response to the Kremlin’s increasingly aggressive stance. Against the background of continuing special German-Russian relations, German development, cultural and educational cooperation with the Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova created the impression of an Eastern political indulgence trade. It does not diminish the importance of serious mistakes in German Russia policy, such as Putin’s invitation to the Bundestag in 2001 or the modernization partnership from 2008. These and similar German steps, against the background of then and now unwanted Russian troops in Moldova and Georgia, suggested Moscow’s special rights in the post-Soviet space. Putin’s attack on Ukraine in 2014 seems an almost logical consequence in the light of the preceding 20 years of German policy’s passivity towards Russian neo-imperialism. The popular formula of “approaching by interweaving” has acquired a tragicomic meaning. The geographical rapprochement of the Russian dominions to the borders of the EU has taken place. The Kremlin is now also questioning the political sovereignty of countries like Sweden and Finland. He calls for a ban on possible future NATO membership not only for post-Soviet but also for Scandinavian states. The Kremlin is frightening the whole of Europe with “military-technical” reactions if NATO – according to Putin – does not respond “immediately” to the far-reaching Russian demands for a revision of the European security order. Russia is threatening an escalation of war if it does not receive “security guarantees” – in other words: the Kremlin’s authority to suspend international law in Europe. Against the background of such upheavals, Germany should finally leave its special path in Eastern politics, which is not only perceived as such in Central and Eastern Europe. The crimes of Nazi Germany on the territory of today’s Russia from 1941 to 1944 are not suitable to justify the German reluctance to react to the Kremlin’s revanchism and nihilism under international law. Especially not when – as in the case of Ukraine – it is about a Russian invasion of the internationally recognized territory of another nation that was a victim of former German expansionist efforts. The continued demonstrative violation of UN, OSCE, and Council of Europe basic principles officially accepted by Moscow in Eastern and now also Northern Europe must not be accepted. Germany’s Russia policy must be fundamentally corrected. Further purely verbal or symbolic reactions from Berlin to Russian revisionist adventures will, as in the past, only tempt the Kremlin into further escapades. As a key country of the EU, NATO, and the Western community of values, Germany has a special responsibility. In the interests of international security, European integration, and common norms, Berlin must bridge the gap between its public rhetoric and real practice in Eastern Europe finally close. This should be expressed in a series of parallel and concrete measures of a political, legal, diplomatic, civil society, technical, and economic nature. Germany is a major trade, research, and investment partner for both Russia and the EU’s Eastern Partnership countries, as well as a leading power in the Union. It has more, in certain areas far more opportunities to get involved than most other western countries. This applies both to containing and sanctioning Russia and to supporting the states that Moscow has dismembered and oppressed. Berlin must follow up its good words with far more and more effective action than before. Signed: Pioneer of Russia’s invasion
Germany must abandon its “special path”
Related:
As fears of an escalation of Russia’s military aggression against Ukraine grow, 73 East Europe and security experts are calling on Germany for a fundamental correction of its policy on Russia.
To suggest a correction or clarification, write to us here
You can also highlight the text and press Ctrl + Enter
Please leave your suggestions or corrections here
We are an independent media outlet that relies solely on advertising revenue to sustain itself. We do not endorse or promote any products or services for financial gain. Therefore, we kindly ask for your support by disabling your ad blocker. Your assistance helps us continue providing quality content. Thank you!
