Under the terms of “the old post-Soviet model … Moscow’s role was passive” because everyone was still linked to the past. But, Dubin argues, “the doctrine of ‘the Russian world’ is on the contrary active and aggressive … it penetrates everything like radiation” and doesn’t rely on the past but on Moscow’s action and mobilization of large groups of people abroad.“Victory Day,” he says, “gave us in the person of Igor Dodon a symbol of the natural drying up of the past,” of the end of “the conception of the post-Soviet world” and its replacement by “’the Russian world,’” a concept that is not simply empty words but “a triumph of the Kremlin’s post-modernism.”
Moscow isn’t interested in victories: it is concerned about having a presence that it can use to take advantage of situations in many countries as they develop. And it gains a victory because those it targets, like the Democratic Party in the United States, see it as “a threat of planetary size.” And that means this, Dubnov concludes. There has been a new definition of what is good and what is bad. “In general, you no longer will come to us for the parade: that means that we will come to you” not with tanks necessarily but with bikers and hackers who send a signal that Russia is still around and must still be reckoned with.“The new Russia,” he says, “can count on thousands of citizens,” people who may think they are “the third wave of emigration” but in fact are “sleeping agents” who can be mobilized by the Russian government and put in motion by it against those who offend Moscow or get in its way.
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