The radical groups often try to piggyback on other larger social movements, but they are divided on participation in such things as the 1st of May (International Workers' Day) commemorations. Some view those as an opportunity to spread their ideas, but others say that there is a great risk that they will be subsumed and co-opted by large parties. Moscow political analyst Yekaterina Schulmann commented on these developments by saying that“in Russia, a revolutionary scenario is possible” because elections are meaningless under Vladimir Putin. He adds that such a revolution “could be relatively bloodless as was the case in Eastern Europe or with [Russia] in 1991.” The Russian revolution failed because there was no lustration. In the future, the regime must be cleansed of holdovers.
That should provide an opening for leftist parties to emerge, she suggests, given that the absence of such parties and strong trade unions in a country like Russia is “anomalous” given that most Russian workers are low-skilled and the kind that are organized in other countries. Consequently, the left is certain to view this as an opportunity for itself. However, the regime understands this and also that “such a party can achieve success only if there are more competitive elections.” In an “unfree political system” like that of Russia today, all one sees is “a permanent parade of simulacra” – and that too feeds on the aspirations of the radical left underground.“among residents of cities there is no doubt that there will be many of those who are close to leftist views or at least to leftist rhetoric and agendas about a just state.” But their views are largely unrepresented in legislatures or executive powers.
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