FSB operation developed to arrest a pensioner, former director of a disbanded Ukrainian military factory
If the sentence is to be believed, Soloshenko's Russian partners Konstantin Kolegov and Boris Demyanov appealed to the FSB, reporting that the Ukrainian citizen was interested in details for a S-300 antiaircraft missile system and their subsequent export to Ukraine. After that, the FSB developed a special operation to detain him. Soloshenko himself in a letter sent to Ms. Svetlova from prison told how he was lured to Moscow and accused of espionage. Yuriy Soloshenko is the former director of Znamia, a military factory in the Ukrainian city of Poltava that stopped working in 2012 but continued selling old produce from warehouses.During Soviet times, the factory was an integral part of the USSR's defense sector, producing components for radar and air defense systems for the whole country. After the USSR fell apart, several Ukrainian-Russian agreements were signed to preserve military cooperation, including a special agreement signed in the early 2000's to preserve Ukrainian factories that work in the interests of Russia's defense sector. Russia's Ministry of Defense ordered components for its anti-aircraft missile complexes "Osa", "Buk", "Thor" and "Tunguska" from Znamia. In 2014, shortly after the annexation of the Crimea, the cooperation agreement was terminated.


Read more: Afanasyev and Soloshenko: How the FSB breaks prisoners
In a letter to Zoya Svetlova, Yuriy Soloshenko gives an explanation for what happened.Ordinary Russian graft
At first, Znamia's cooperation with the Russian Defense sector was simple - Znamia concluded direct contracts with the Russian Ministry of Defense and received payments from the state treasury. This simple scheme was imperfect from the viewpoint of some Russian officials - it was impossible to steal state money. Which is why the Head of the Department of Defense Procurement at Roselektronika Kolegov, who was responsible for distributing orders and considered that he should receive dividends from factory directors for giving them state deals, came up with the idea of secondary suppliers - private companies. Kolegov would make an order to Znamia, telling Soloshenko that he could purchase the items from the factory only from a secondary supplier at prices that were three times lower than similar Russian goods. As the Russian MoD was its only customer, Znamia was happy for any order. The secondary supplier later sold the items to the MoD at prices 2-3 higher, with Kolegov earning on the difference. This scheme worked until the Russian governments took steps to fight such graft schemes, and Kolegov was unmasked. Soloshenko supposes that in order to win over some leniency, Kolegov proposed to expose a hardened foreign spy. "At the trial, Kolegov portrayed himself as a great [Russian] patriot and said that he decided to send me to jail, so that I, using my connections, would not purchase Russian secret weapons for a hostile state," Soloshenko wrote. At that time, Russian propaganda was already working in overdose to convince Russians that it is Ukraine that is a hostile state to Russia, while Russia would be sending in military personnel and weapons to fuel the conflict in Donbas, after having invaded Crimea. "Investigative actions were not carried out in my case at all. Nobody tried to prove what is impossible because it did not exist. When the duration of the investigation came to an end (9-10 months), I was offered a deal: I will plead guilty, they will change the measure of restraint to house arrest, I live in Moscow at my friend's place, and then the court would issue me a suspended sentence." Soloshenko pleaded guilty, but he was deceived by the investigators - the 74-year old man was sentenced to 6 years in prison for "spying," until he was exchanged together with Afanasyev in a Russia-Ukraine swapping deal."Secret" klystrons openly sold in Russia

Common sense doesn't allow calling these microwave device "secret technology," but that did not influence investigators or judges aimed at a specific result - to convict and imprison.
There are at least 29 other Ukrainians imprisoned on politically motivated charges in Russia and occupied Crimea. The LetMyPeopleGo campaign advocates for the release of all of these Kremlin's hostages, which are sentenced to many years of Russian prison on trumped-up charges.