Eurorevolution: What’s next?

2014/02/27 • Analysis & Opinion

logo1-300x225The “agreement” between Yanukovych and the “opposition troika” confirms that Maidan can no longer rely on Ukrainian politicians or Ukrainian politics. Deaths from the bullets of depraved killers acting on the orders of the bastards in “power” cannot go unpunished. Responsibility rests first and foremost with Yanukovych.

As such, any negotiations with him on anything other than the terms of his immediate resignation followed by [the establishment of] a national criminal tribunal are nothing but criminal. Those who negotiate with Yanukovych become accomplices to [his] crimes because a “settlement of the political crisis” is only possible when we have such a crisis. After so many deaths, this has gone well beyond any“political crisis.”

The Eurorevolution in Ukraine will end only when today’s authoritarian system is completely cleaned out. As with the great French Revolution, the only way to “reboot” the system is to literallyscrap everything that bears signs of the past.

In my view, then, here are five basic steps that should be taken right now.

1. Mobilization: In early 2005, we had become so relaxed that even the frightened Akhmetov calmed down and returned from Malta. What’s happening right now is not a victory. It is merely a tactical advantage.

What to do: The revolution must only pick up steam. Yanukovych and his accomplices are no longerin power. So firstly, the students who seized the Ministry of Education – they’ve shown us how to act. Secondly, while Kyiv may be calm, there are hotspots elsewhere – in Cherkasy, for example, where titushky and police have been engaged in a full court press against the people. If the oblasts weregenerous in helping Kyiv, Kyiv must now repay the favor by helping them oust local “authorities” andreturn to the people what is rightfully theirs. The least we could do is form groups of drivers, “arm” them with printed materials, video cameras, and means of communication and help mount this sort of informational campaign while, at the same time, remaining ready for confrontation.

2. Coordination: Rumors have been circulating in Kyiv about various troops at the southern bridges. This info is easily verified as people have placed checkpoints along the main routes. But there’s asignificant problem: there is no uniform communication between the checkpoints and no single center for receiving, processing, and distributing this kind of information.

What to do: Establish a single channel of communication, a hotline, an operations headquarters – the name doesn’t matter. Then connect these checkpoints virtually, not only along the borders of Kyiv but also throughout Ukraine. This approach requires the following.

3. A temporary operations headquarters: A centralized point for the collection and processing of information to streamline mobilization and coordination.

What do do: Establish at a meeting (without politicians!!!) the bones of a temporary operations headquarters. It should include people with expertise in communications, logistics, management, data collection and processing, information analysis, intelligence, counterintelligence, and network operations. I could name a few people right now whose value would be many times greater than that of today’s“opposition.”  The so-called “Maidan Council,” supporting negotiations with Yanukovych (which, by the way, voted behind closed doors!?!?), and earlier supporting the relinquishment of the Kyiv State Administration Building to the Party of Regions – it must go. Its time is done.

4. Multiple leaders: The time for the strict vertically-integrated systems [of governance] which form the basis of  today’s governments is coming to an end.  So is the time of single leaders who decide everything for everyone and feed everyone. Now is the time for flexible networks. Small groups of activists are effective because they cannot have an incompetent leader: his incompetence becomes apparent fairly quickly. This is precisely why today’s politicians, whether in “power” or opposition,and certain “community leaders” oppose changes to the traditional paradigm: its easier to hide your incompetence from the masses.

What to do: Integrate small groups virtually under the umbrella of the headquarters (checkpoints, associations, etc.).  Do not try, however, under any circumstance to “correct” their work without their permission. Provide help only when asked for expert assistance. Let each group determine its own leader. Each member of the group will understand for him- or herself what he or she must do. If they lose a leader, a small group will identify the next one and the work will continue.

Systems are powerless against multiple leaders. If one head is cut off, ten more spring up in its place because, as the Eurorevolution has proven, repression only unites Ukrainians.

5. Tribunal: The revolution will be meaningless if those responsible for the crimes go unpunished. Preparations for a criminal tribunal must conform to the norms of participatory democracy.

What to do: There are enough people in Ukraine unsullied by Yanukovych’s regime who can  draw on their expertise to build a solid base of evidence and hold an open trial. A compilation of facts [however] will be meaningless without the defendants. And so we need to establish a group that will identify and search for the offenders, their families, and their assets. Their assets must be returned to Ukraine. The assets of the criminals implicated in the Yanukovych regime should be used to pay lifelong support to the families of those who died.

This is my view on what should happen right now. If you have thoughts of your own in this respect, please leave your comments!

Source: http://piddubny.com/evrorevolyutsiya-scho-dali/

Translated by Lesia Stangret

Edited by Robin Rohrback

Tags: , ,